Maximiliano E. Korstanje (CV)
The world cup FIFA championship attracts millions of tourists and generates interesting incomes for hosting countries. Comparatively, there is no other spectacle in the world like FIFA world-Cup. Thousands of tourists attend to this event every four years. As Olympic Games, this event characterizes to be unique in many senses. For one hand, it activates the consumption of electronic appliances, all-inclusive tour packages, nights of hotels and air tickets. On another hand, the Nation-States devote considerable investment and efforts in infrastructure to manage a spectacle of this tenure. The attractiveness that these types of events create, coupled with the multiplier effects, has made from festival tourism a fertile source to be studied in tourism fields in last decades. Sometimes associated to sustainable tourism, festivals not only revitalize the resources of economies where the event holds, but also redefine the boundaries of identities in residents. With the passing of years, the specialized literature recently brought into question the so-called economic benefits these types of spectacles give to local economies (Green and Chalip, 1998; Daniels, Norman and Henry, 2004; O` Brien, 2006; Daniels, 2007; Smith, 2005). However, less or no attention was drawn in regards to the sociological relationship between mythology and heroism neither the full-description how “national being” is re-negotiated during these events.
As the previous argument given, the present paper explores, which is based on a personal ethnography during the last World Cup in South-Africa, the reactions, sentiments and frustrations of ordinary-people as long as the last World soccer championship held in South Africa in 2010. In perspective, our thesis is that media-events not only reinforce the preexistent asymmetries of society, which are already present in the day-to-day economic life, but also emulates the principle of life and death. The transcription of tape-recorded interviews will be not done verbatim as the majority of other research. Rather, the outcomes are described in an informal way in order for the readers to expand the existent understanding respecting to event-management and the sociology of sports.
Debate about the nature of Media Events
Within the Tourism Academy there is consensus in accepting that festivals boost the image of destination, develop new skills in volunteers, revitalize the pride for community and heritage, and encourage tourism as primary sustainable activity. The history and culture represent a more than important factor to manage events (Uysal and Wicks, 1993; Crompton and Mckay, 1997; Molloy, 2002; Prentince and Anderesen, 2003; Gonzalez-Reverté and Miralbell-Izard, 2009; Chew, 2009). In this vein, Crompton and Mckay suggest six motives to take in mind in policy-makers to manage efficiently a festival: cultural exploration, novelty, recovery needs, socialization, external interaction and gregariousness (Crompton and Mckay, 1997). Other effects of event-management are associated to a considerable improvement of destination-related image (Prentice and Andersen, 2003). Besides, festivals and events are functional to solving dispute or ethic differences between guest and hosts (Berlanga-Adell, 2004). In addition, Jonker, Saayman and De Klerk recognize (from original six) three key factors that shape entrepreneurship in events. Festival promotion (factor 1) and product promotion (factor 2) are more than necessary to encourage the commitment of residents as well as the neighbor towns. The potentiality of an event should be set by pondering a variety of aspects as the income generation which refers to the earning of incomes and profits that allow the event can be repeated next year. For authors, personal satisfaction and making money are two important elements in the organization of festivals (Jonker, Saayman and De Clerk, 2009: 389).
Gonzalez-Reverté and Miralbell-Izard envisage that festivals make feasible a further concentration of activities opening the doors for developing certain products and improving the chances of a destination to entice international visitors. From this perspective, events can be typified in different from many lenses: a) event as brand builders, b) events as an indirect but not for that less strong business generator, c) events as tactical levers and d) events as a vehicle for local pride. The synergy waken up thanks to festivals seems to be associated to the possibilities of orchestrating tangible and intangible resources. However, there are some pitfalls that may jeopardize the enhancement of a destination linked to the indifference of politic power as well as certain inadequacy along with seasonability (Gonzalez-Reverté and Miralbell-Izard, 2009: 54). With the benefits of hindsight, J. Molloy dwells on the social benefits of festival organization for hosts. The event-management represents, Molloy contends, a new type of escapement or cultural entertainment where a much broader climate of excitement and fun converge. This type of incipient activity not only improves the quality of life but also orchestrates skilled work-force with professionalism to recycle the exhausted economies. More than alternative, event management becomes in a new instrument for performing a fictionalization of history. A most important and interesting point of examination in Molloy´s work is the role played by State in the Event-management. Under such a context, the State should intervene not only financing the diverse stakeholders but also giving the necessary support to hosts balancing the economic benefits of all involved actors (Molloy, 2002). To some extent, certain curiosity surfaced in scholars for the role played by the politicians to protect the interests and well-being of some minorities, using event-management as an interesting tool of promotion (Berlang-Adell, 2004). The studies focused on event management up to date do not take consideration the sociological roots of events and festivals. To fulfill this gap, it is important to associate the rites of passage to the observations of how sports are practiced by lay-people. From Tiberius and Vespasian, in Roman Empire, towards the bloody dictatorships in Latin America during 70s, all governments found in sport-events an efficient instrument to gain further legitimacy and power. These types of spectacles provided to viewers with a concrete sentiment of superiority that paves the pathways for the advent of ethnocentrism. This is exactly the point of discussion, ignored by specialized literature, we must confess it is important for the advance of this discipline.
The Archetype of Heroism
The roots of heroism remind that society’s needs from archetypes to adapt to new situations. The mythical archetype, this means the ways the founding parents have solved the problems in immemorial times, is a guideline for the society. Heroes, first of all, are viewed as mediator between the world of gods and humans. Their presence balances the lay-people frustrations. One of the characteristics of heroes, anthropologists described in many non-western cultures, are the ability to come across with countless dangers or the need of making a long travesty in look for richness and glory. Their superiority is determined by an outstanding or semi-divine nature (Bauza, 2007). Elias and Dunning, demonstrated the connection between heroism and sports. The nation state exerts a symbolic attraction to control their citizens, but sports are more than forms of entertainment, they correspond with an important factor in the process of civilization (Elias and Dunning, 1992). In view of this, Atkinson explains that one of primary function of sport is deroutinize the security of social life providing with a controlled doses of excitement associated to fear, shame and violence. As the previous argument given, the sacrifice and suffering correspond with necessary criteria to reinforce the sentiment of superiority among competitors (Atkinson, 2008).
Most certainly, Dayan and Katz confirm any sports engenders a sentiment of superiority or at least draws a boundary between winners and losers. Depending on the degree each event is televised and broadcasted the message seems to be more or less ethnocentric. (Dayan and Katz, 1994). What can be question in a whole of specialized literature is that event-Management not only brings benefits for the community but can engender serious gaps or short-circuits. In this point, the role of mass-media is of paramount importance to determine the attitude of viewers and residents at time of managing an event. Last but not least, one might realize that media coverage exerts a considerable influence to a wider spectrum that transcends the classical boundaries of perception (Deery and Jingo, 2010). Mythically, after the expulsion of Adam and Eve from paradise, human-kind tried to recover the lost-haven. The development of the concept of salvation is determined for the sentiment to be chosen by the grace of god. This biblical doctrine is being often replicated in events and sport-competences. However, this does not resolve what the role is played by conflict in the process of ethno-genesis.
To some extent, leisure and sport events can create not only social cohesion but also fragmentation and further discontent. At least, this is exactly what N. Garnham illustrates the case of Ireland regarding to the rugby and Boer’s war in the onset of XXth century. The visit of Springboks and Canadian team from 1902 to 1906 in United Kingdom waked up profound imperial connotation in supporters and detractors. Whilst separatists saw in the Irish alignment to Boers a sign of symbolic independency, unionists considered this as an act of betrayal. The degree of antipathy or sympathy with British Empire depends on an early historical backdrop that gives sense to the event. The pervasiveness of sports in the process of ethnogenesis is unquestionable. In addition, Garnham recognizes that South-Africa’s team visit engendered the union of all whites in South Africa under a same flag while in Ireland provoked an opposite result (Garnham, 2003).
In addition, Emile Durkheim found that a significant aspect of ethnogenesis process is the ability to construct shared-symbols in order to diminish the uncertainty of environment. That way, ethno-genesis not only protects people of themselves and others but also gives a meaning for living. E. Durkheim, one of founding parents of sociology, considered that the national symbols were a residual product of the process of evolution that characterized the European tribes. Starting from the premise, in ancient Rome, the authority of family was on father’s hands that warranted the cult of ancestors, the passing of centuries changed this institution to a new more recycled, the patriotism (Durkheim, 1992). Furthermore, C. Castoriadis argues that homer chronicles inspired not only to many civilizations but also West today as never before. In the lecture of Odyssey, Homer arrives to the land of Cyclopes where the life is not subjected to any law or legal tradition. Homer is horrified about the situation. What this means is that monstrosity for Greeks was determined by the lack of order and law. The tragedy, as a condition of life, engendered a temporal state of chaos where rule dissipated. Following this explanation, the world was for Greeks an unsafe-place to dwell. Unlike Christianity or Judaism, for Greeks the world was not created to be administered by mankind. the concept of moira means the immanency of death for all beings, even, the Gods who in their immortality were not beyond the action of moira (fate). Destiny ruled over everything in the world but mysteriously not in the law. One of the characteristics that separate Greece from the rest of ancient mythical structures is the lack of revelation and prophecies about future. This turn of mind was of paramount importance to understand the modern sports. Moira, future was in ongoing movement. People should show the necessary merits to be graced by the glory of Gods. The dichotomy between fame and glory was resolved by the quest of excellence. From philosophy to poetry, arts and sports, novels or senators, the struggle was the pivotal cultural value of culture in Greece. Although the sport and nation-hood is almost universal institution which crosses over all culture, the spirit of Games and Festivals would not have born in other site than Ancient Greece. This is the main reason as to why politicians and politic powers find in sports as a fertile source for enhancing their legitimacy. As the previous argument given, may we confirm the sacredness’ and violence was linked?.
Conflicts and Sacredness
The Medieval British Philosopher, Thomas Hobbes argued that people shows two contrasting drives. One refers to the needs of expropriating others of their properties while for the other, they needs to avoid being exploited by others with similar pretentions. The quest of glory and fear of being assassinated are two basic needs that coexist in psychological mind. Starting from the premise, this situation triggers a war of all against all that anyone likes to face. Therefore, involved adversaries at odd recur to a third party to regulate their own behavior, the Leviathan which means to the State (Hobbes, 1998). Following this standpoint, one might speculate a game symbolizes this utopian encounter between two rival factions. In terms of Elias and Dunning sports, and of course, the soccer upends the logic of conflict and economy. The violence is projected in a specific time and space in order for the system to stimulate a regulated drive of aggression inherited in all human beings. An encounter between Argentina and Brazil not only encourages old rivalries but also emulate a battle under the requisites only one of them will be victorious (Dunning and Elias, 1992). Having seen that this type of spectacles sublimate the individual’s pretention to attack others, but at minimum costs, festival and sport events works as interesting mechanisms of control of violence. After all, the previous argument can be summarized if we realize that the sports in such seem to be the war but for other means. Of all obstacles in this world death is the only one people are unable to resolve. From immemorial times, tribes and societies frightened from death not necessarily because she broke the connection with the relatives, but her abrupt appearance cannot be avoided. All rites and rituals people perform are aimed at intellectualizing the death.
In accordance to Elias, Jean Baudrillard contemplated that the process of sacralization corresponds with two interconnected forces at stake: a) a territory wherein the founding myths take shape and b) a narrative that gives coherence and transcendence to the Golden Times and territories. The ideology as a mechanism of revitalization of history leads ordinary people to avoid the sacred-place at a certain distance in order for the same exerting considerable influence on their day-to-day lives. This tension between proximity/distance is inextricably interwoven with the politic structures of a society. The psychological and geographical distance operates bestowing the sacred object more solemnity. In recognition of this, sacred-places often keep tourists out to reinforce their own narrative (Baudrillard, 1995).
In more than insight paper, M. Evans examined the concepts of sacred from a model based on four way of living the sacredness: personal sacred, spiritual sacred, civil sacred and religious sacred. The first typology refers to individual significations that not necessarily involved certain groups; for example personal effects of our ancestors. The symbolism of these things is subject to a univocal interpretation. On contrary, “the spiritual sacred” is an idea enrooted in the belief that territories take an emotional signification for certain community. This is associated to other concepts such as the Attachment to places. The third type, “the civil sacred”, a notion which is self-explanatory, is frequently linked to national flags with allusion to sports spectacles or rock and roll bands. Ultimately, the “religious sacred” connotes the collective religiosity which indentify to a group with certain cosmology. The function of religiosity is to give cohesion and avoid the fragmentation of the involved group (Evans, 2003). Even if the social conflicts are present in every one of these dimensions, they predominate in civil and religious sacred sub-types. Nowadays, the religiosity set the pace to more secularized forms as the national symbols, flags and other souvenirs.
Following this reasoning, N Spivey tracks the historical roots of Olympic Games in Ancient Greece (770 B. C). These games held in the city of Olympia were celebrated every four years with the end of encouraging the bravery, pride and competence among cities. That way, these types of competences served as indirect forms of re-processing the hostility and prevented the inter-ethnic conflict. Based on a dissuasive nature, victories not only accumulated much more fame for winners and its group but also represented a question inextricably linked to genealogy. One of the most wide aspects that led players to take part of these events were not only the richness derived from the triumphs, but also the possibility the winner’s name transcends the boundaries of materiality (Spivey, 2004). The principle of heroism as explained before is more than illustrative to describe how the Greek athlete understood the Olympic Games. The competitor was subject to different risks and acts that emulated deprivation as body-mutilation or seriously injured. The principle of life and death was the prerequisite for commencing with these games. The hierarchal authority and strengths of the ancient city was certainly determined by the sports from Ancient Greece up to date.
With this background in mind, P. Albaceres confirms that Soccer has been played a pivotal role in the scaffolding of Nation-States. Even in Argentina, the soccer as other disciplines allowed a much broader but slow socialization during the mass-migration from 1880 to1930. In sharp contrast with British Empire, the idiosyncrasy of argentines was circumscribed to soccer. The different victories and the two obtained cups as well as the mythical two goals in Mexico 86 to England paved the pathways towards a sacred-imaged of what means “being argentine”. In few words, nobody can understand the principle of identity of argentine without analysiying its historical rivalry with UK in the fields of sports and beyond (Albaceres, 2002). It is hypothesized that that events seems to be functional to the status quo because the biased image of history allows a further revitalization of the sentiment of belonging. Secondly, the mass-media elaborates a romantic discourse where the national symbols are over-valorized.
The present paper explores succinctly how the narrative self-built by mass-media surrounding the last World-Cup impacted in ordinary people. By means of combining visual ethnography with informal interviews, the main thesis here is that the World Cup held in South-Africa (2010) not only seeks for enhancing the sales and profitability of economies worldwide but also predispose viewers and participants to emulate archaic rituals of death and birth. The ethnography ranged from May 2010 towards two week later the finalization of event amidst July of same year. Basically, our observation allowed us to structure the dataset in four subsequent stages wherein converge the pride for nation-hood with power, legitimacy, politics and heroism. For readers who are not familiar with the backdrop of argentine soccer, let first clarify that Diego A. Maradona, ex-argentine players seemed to reanimate this mythical sentiment whenever he was appointed as couch of national team (after the dismissal of former couch Alfio Basile). This outstanding sportsman scored one of the most polemic goal with a hand, what is well-known as “la mano de Dios” (the hand of God) that allowed Argentina passes to England in Mexico 86 World Cup. From those days onwards, popular imaginary labeled Diego Maradona as a God, a hero. The success of Argentina was conditioned by a previous war, by Malvinas/Falkland in 1982. This event not only meant the defeat of Argentina in hands of England, but also introduced significant changes in the ways of perceiving the politics. Today, Malvinas and Maradona are widely reminded as archetypes of being argentine (argentinidad). Now as coach of Argentine team, Maradona and argentines prepared to enter in the battlefield, in the World Cup Championship held in South Africa.
Stage 1: Pre-conceptualization of nation-hood.
The facet is characterized by the multiplication of speculations about players and the backstage of game. Journalism focuses on certain stereotypes based on emotions, and details of sportsmen’s private life. These private aspects resound with the construction of nation-hoods. This means what the players eat, do and buy or the relative´s visit they receive is a matter that merits being covered by Mass-Media or journalists. Everything what players do seems to be a question of State. The importance of players is lived day-to-day with extreme expectance in viewers. Like the ancient epical legends of Homer, the performance of sportsmen takes public attention for all citizens. At this stage, Journalism repeatedly disseminates gossips and informal news of player at 24 hours day.
During the pre-conceptualization process, the rivals are labeled under a diverse of negative stereotypes and considered staunch enemies; sometimes they even are associated to weakness and femininity. This strategy allows the in-group improving the self-esteem which is fagocitated as superior or stronger. Even though World Cup attracts people without distinction of genre, the fact is that soccer is lived as a sport of males. The masculine archetype seems to be frequently replicated in all spheres of social life during this tournament. In recognition to this, the previous days before the game is lived based on a deeper sensibility; the statistics of similar matches are being covered by the mass media. See for example, the coverage around the classic Argentina Vs. Germany where both teams played semifinals and finals in 1986 and 1990. The arousal of this encounter has been widely promoted by the media reminding the last encounter where Argentina was defeated by penalties in the World Cup held in Germany 2006. In foregoing, the preconceptualization of nationhood is a relevant stage that evokes the sacredness of nationhood. Symbolically, what it is important to reconsider in the evaluation of how personal frustrations and expectances are being projected towards the favorite team which is enrooted in their own nationhood. The day-to-day frustrations or discrepancies are being blurred during this pre-stage. Being argentine is re-signified to the extent of silencing all previous problems and concerns as local crime and unemployment. The mediated event like this Cup allows expanding the social self-esteem dissociating the daily realm from what is at stake in these types of competences.
Stage 2: The Game as mediated Event
If as stated, the first stage transformed the day-to-day frustrations in expectances, in second facet emotions and national feelings escape from the irons of rationale. The uncertainty and tension are two key factors that expert influence on audience in early stages of World Cup beginning. No body knows who will be the champion but it is clear there will be only one champion. This is the reason why World Cup generates an international attraction. Randomness, as destiny, confers to participants a privileged status. All them keep hopes but have no assurance. The possibilities to loose the game or being seriously offended by the rivals predispose the supporters to experience higher degrees of anxiety that are overtly channelized in means of drugs or alcohol consumption. Tickling in the stomach and other associated symptoms as excessive sweat are product of the nervousness the supports feel each time sometimes important are in dispute. Players know they are ripe to cross the boundary and behind them are many people, a nation who wait for accessing to the privilege to be the only one, the best of the tournament.
The pride, reputation, fame and glory are three of the requisites that are at stake in the game. This assumption may be validated whenever Nicholas Sarskosi, president of France, committed to the bad performance of his team during South Africa 2010, summoned the star T. Henry to give more clarifications about the embarrassing elimination of France. Each team represents not only the colors or symbols of Nation-State but also its reputation for which all conational citizens will be judged once finished the event. Here the politic life converges with the nature of sporting competition. A bad performance in the game entails that stereotypes as cowards, weak, and colds involve all France. Like the religiosity in Middle Age, soccer today paved the pathways in order for citizens to live their life with major intensity. By winning the cup players assure to gain the fame enough to make profitable agreements once the competition finalizes, but first and foremost being champion enhance the sentiment of superiority over other nations. If players do their best to gain glory, the discourse of nationhood is replicated by the World Cup Management. The symbolic death of a nation is accompanied by a failure in the game.
Stage 3: Cathartic Effects.
In goffmanian terms any game can be understood as a theatre constituted by a back and front stage. The audience beyond the TV broadcasting feels cathartic emotions that merge the audience with the game. This means that the outstanding features of players are replicated by supporters elsewhere. For one moment in time, a broader audience offsets its own frustrations emulating the dodge of Leonel Messi, Wayne Ronney or even Cristiano Ronaldo. During this stage, viewers and attendants negotiate new transitory identities that should be restituted once the media-event ends. In view of this triumphs and victories extend the frame wherein these negotiations are accomplished. A team defeated in the early stage of tournament keeps fewer probabilities to captivate new supports than a team that access to final match. If the ethno genesis of heroes is the basis of any sport, the cathartic effects facilitate lay-people may identify with players.
As the previous explanation, this facet ranges from the early identification with a hero (starring player) from the collective celebrations at squares, airports or bus stations. The main thesis here seems to be that ordinary persons are subject to diverse frustration and rules. These types of events liberate not only the adrenaline necessary for the competence but also cure the deprivations produced in daily life. However, things do not last for-ever, and once the favorite team is eliminated, the involved supporters should come back to the principle reality. Unfortunately, this process of identification post and pre FIFA World Cup remain unstudied. The person one used to be, and the ideal person to be in future converges. Emulating specific cultural values such as bravery, nobility and war-fare, present in the life of West, with individual emotions as love, hero and resentment, World Cup (like others events) leads attendants to imagine they are another person which really they are not. If this process is not maintained in a temporal basis, the personality runs a serious risk of dissociation. Interesting pathological issues surfaced by sports.
Stage 4: The Return to daily life.
After further examination, it is safe to say that all teams are predestined to loss with exemption of only one, the champion. In terms of Elias and Dunning this frame is based on two contrasting concepts, contingency and hope. Excitement is almost always given in context of competence but the results should be kept unknown for both rivals. The contingency is the key factor of sports. On another hand, the involving competitors do not know further about their fate, strategies are aimed at maintaining the rivalry. With this argument given, once the sporting competence finalizes, lay-people should be driven to their daily and routine life. To wit, negotiations between daily and outstanding roles in people are no easier. In cases of frustrated lives, subjects might exert considerable resistance to come back their previous conditions.
Following this, the cathartic effect well-described in previous stage 3, becomes in a new form of social that allows the combination of otherness and selfhood. As long as this process takes room, the self copies the players adapting their frustration to a new staged-reality, but nothing lasts forever; once the World Cup Tournament is ended, people bring to home the archetypes of game modifying not only their way of speaking, but also playing soccer periodically. These amateurs’ practices replicate the social values socialized by the discipline as well as it the ways of framing the superiority of some nations over others. The cultural superiority of champions over others clearly can be explained by the sacrifice needed to be the best, but this assumption engenders the problems of nationalisms. Therefore, World Cup Championship not only facilitates the circulation of merchandises, tourists, and signs worldwide during a lapse of time, but also replicates the conceptual alma mater of capitalism, the nation-state. In a globalized world where the loyalties are daily dispersed because of the increasing mobilities, which would entail the disappearance of national boundaries, event management confers exclusiveness and pride to citizens to resume their commitment to their country. Secondly, it is important not to loose the sight that, as a mediated event, the World-Cup revitalizes the necessary tendons of nationalism generating major attachments to heritage and traditions. Sports emulate, at some extent, the cycles of death and life.
The experience of a World-Cup seems to be staggering and very difficult to narrate with words. This study explored the roots of nationalism and how it operates in daily contexts. Undoubtedly, the victories and defeats are lived in analogy to the live and death. Whenever the team wins the sentiment of euphoria invades the minds of all supporters while the despair and pain emerge whenever the team is eliminated from the competence. In accordance to Z. Bauman (2008) and his development with Big Brother wherein converges a fear for otherness with a downright competition for surviving, the world soccer championship emulates a similar concept. Of all participants only one will be crowned. In the line of 7 matches a team should win for becoming in World Champion, each triumph is considered in analogy to be reborn and failure as a symbolic death, even under certain circumstance, supporters commit suicide whenever their favorite team is eliminated. The profound sadness people experience whenever is out of competition seems to be a unique spectacle difficult to describe in these lines. The World Cup emulates a memorial and panic of the accident, enrooted in the meaning of moira, which not only crossed all cultures and times but also was present from humankind onset, the war. Before entering in the battle-fields, the warriors do not know further along with their fate. The probabilities to find the glory or death open the door for the tribe to accomplish a set of rituals with the end of protecting the involved fighters. If the warrior falls, the Gods not only will accompany to the exemplary center, but will provide him with all necessary weapons to face successfully the hazards of after-life. The ancient cult of ancestors and Gods worked as a mechanism to intellectualize the death, symbolized as the last important journey. Similarly, sports and festivals try to restore the dichotomy between life and death as well as re-signifying the anthropologic principle of war. Like the war, the message coined by sports seems to be simple as well: “only one can survive!”.
As the previous argument given, sports symbolize the rites of initiation whenever a birth is exhibited to others witness (baptism expresses the life or presentation of a new member) as well as the funerary rites of burial of members who departed from this world (death).
Like death and life, the sports remind that only one has been chosen by Gods but not only this. Under some conditions, players may loose even if they made everything right. Personally, this is one of the most striking and intriguing points to be studied in next approaches. World Cup Championship accommodates the dispersion of loyalties, happened during daily life. Rather, it not only avoids the social fragmentation but orchestrates a much broader revitalization of nation-hood, heritage and sentiment of belonging. In doing so, victories and defeats are different sides of the same coin. If the sentiments of superiority these events wake up are not being controlled, serious chauvinist reaction can be appeared.
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